Reading article
by Saad-Filho[1] on
effects of neolib on development economics. He makes the classic claim of the left
that Asian tigers disprove neolib doctrine. The right-wingers claim the
opposite. Actually I think neither are right. The East Asia tigers (Japan , Korea ,
Taiwan , Hong
Kong , Singapore ,
more recently Malaysia , Thailand ) display a broad array of econ
policies, from centrally organized Korea ,
reminiscent of Soviet U in 1930s, to laissez-faire HK, with Taiwan close
behind.
But both were
successful. So it appears that the actual policy pursued is not so important. Deng
Hsiao-Ping said: “It’s not so important if the cat is black or white, the main
thing is that it catches mice.”
There is another
possibility, namely that the correct econ growth policy depends on very
specific country factors.
One common
element in the E Asia tigers is the export
orientation. However they did not shy from import substitution as a tactical
measure to save foreign exchange (other exceptions?).
The important
elements may be instead the factors for growth outlined in R Barro's books.[2]
These are:
Positive
correlation:
|
Regression coeff. X 1000
|
Terms of
trade change
|
137
|
Democracy
index
|
90
|
Life
expectancy
|
42
|
Rule of law
index
|
29
|
Male
secondary & higher education
|
11
|
Negative
correlation:
|
|
Gov’t
spending ratio
|
-136
|
Democracy
index squared
|
-88
|
Inflation
rate
|
-43
|
Fertility
rate
|
-16
|
Log GDP x
Male education
|
-6
|
In a single
series:
Variable
|
Index
|
Terms of
trade change
|
137
|
Gov’t
spending ratio
|
-136
|
Democracy
index
|
90
|
Democracy
index squared
|
-88
|
Inflation
rate
|
-43
|
Life
expectancy
|
42
|
Rule of law
index
|
29
|
Fertility
rate
|
-16
|
Male
secondary & higher education
|
11
|
Log GDP x
Male education
|
-6
|
There is little
that can be done about the most important factor, terms of trade, except reduce
production of exports whose TOT are falling and increase those whose TOT are
rising. This is usually difficult to do except over very long term. So we’ll
discard this factor as a possible policy measure.
Consequently
the most significant policy measures to promote growth are, in order of
importance:
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
There is an
obvious contradiction between 1 on the one hand, and 4, 5 & 6 on the other.
Other factors that are not taken into account are reduction in military
spending and in education of females. (For some reason “defense” & educ are
not included in “gov’t spending” figure.)
So the revised
list is:
1. Reduce
overall gov’t spending and reallocate it
FROM:
- military
- female educ
- gov’t production (to the extent it
creates deficits)
- etc. (which others?)
- corruption
TO:
- health & family planning
- nutrition
- adm & judicial reform (incl
raising salaries)
- male secondary & higher educ. (only
at low GDP/cap levels)
2.
Democratise (but not too much)
3. Reduce
inflation
Factors 2 &
3 are relatively cheap but require strong political base.
Historical examples
It is
interesting to compare Barro’s list with English society & government in
the early 19th cent, when England became the first
industrialised country: It fails every single test. 90% of gov’t spending was
on the military, none on health, educ, nutrition, adm reform. Corruption was
high. The rule of law was so-so. Democratisation was minimal. Fertility?[3]
Perhaps England was able to grow because it had no
competition, above all no countries that were more advanced and that could
force England
into disadvantageous divisions of labour.
The decisive
elements in England’s rise were its sheltered strategic position, its
traditional autonomy from Roman Catholicism’s stifling dogmas, the prodigious
inventiveness of its artisans, the convergence of science and technology, the
traditionally self-confident yeomanry [?], its relatively free political &
social atmosphere, its possession of a colonial empire [?].
On the other
hand it shared with N Italy & Holland the commercial culture that
facilitated division of labour.[4]
It is evident
that the factors that impelled England ’s
rise were much more fundamental than the Barro factors. They were connected to
the creation of new technologies and new forms of social organisation. Modern
LDCs however, mostly adapt existing technologies, instead of creating their own.
A developing country only starts creating technologies when it has reached an
advanced stage of development (see Korea ). Hence the factors that impelled
England
are much less important to today’s LDCs. So the Barro factors step in to fill
the gap.
Postscript May 2006
Since writing
that I have read “Governing the Market” about the single-minded control of Taiwan
development by Kuomintang. They were shamelessly import-substituting in the
1950s & 60s. However they did not make the mistake of the LAmericans, let
the manufacturers make shoddy merchandise unscathed. If domestic quality was
bad, the imports would roll in.
Secondly,
“Growing Public” makes a couple of claims about the Barro parameters, namely
that if Zimbabwe
and other kleptocracies were excluded, the negative effect of large state
sectors would disappear from the statistics. What was the other one?
[1] Saad-Filho (ed.) “Neoliberalism – A Critical Reader”, Pluto Press
2005.
[2] “Determinants of Ec Growth", MIT Press, 1997 & “Getting It
Right -– Mkts & Choices in a Free Soc", MIT Press, 1996.
[3] Theodore S Hamerow: The Birth of a New Europe .
State and Society in the Ninetheenth Century, Univ of N Carolina Press, 1983,
part 3. [Since Jan I have read “Kicking away the ladder” by that Korean guy.]
[4] Douglass North & Robert P Thomas: The Rise of the Western
World. A New Ec History, Cambridge
U Press 1973
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