Friday, August 19, 2022

The Austrian School and neoliberalism

You claim that the Austrian School is an extremist offshoot of neoliberalism. I disagree with that characterization. I too am very critical of both the Austrian School and neoliberalism. However the Austrian School does have a couple of good ideas, depending on which economist we are talking about. Specifically Hayek, despite his delusions, did make a valid contribution to economic theory through his concept of a market as a system whereby information is transmitted among economic actors, and thereby, as he stresses, obviating the need for central planning. I think if Che Guevara had read Hayek he would have avoided many of his blunders as minister of the economy in Cuba, where overcentralization wrought havoc on the economy.

But the Austrian School does not merely provide a critique of socialism -- it also provides a critique of neoliberalism, and largely for the same reason. Neoliberalism, being a creature of the parasitical financial oligarchy, relies on exactly the same sort of reckless aggregation of economic data as does central planning. For example the Capital Asset Pricing Model, the mathematical models associated with a mathematician called Sholes, on which Long-Term Capital Management relied and that led to its downfall, and countless other aggregation tools that are central to the neoliberal financialized approach to the economy, are all firmly rejected by the Austrian School on exactly the same grounds as those they invoke to reject central economic planning (and I am using the term "central economic planning" in its strict sense, namely that a central planning board determines years in advance the manufacture, distribution and consumption of every last tiddlywink, as opposed to the propagandistic use of the term by flea-market capitalism fetishists to denote and denounce ANY kind of government planning. They do this merely in order to invoke Hayek's use of the term to designate the final Stalinist stage of his crackpot model according to which all government intervention in the economy inexorably leads to totalitarianism.)     

And the grounds the Austrian School invokes to reject this aggregation frenzy is that only decentralized economic actors have enough information available to make sound business decisions, since they are in close contact with their respective economic environments, which involve parameters that are difficult to quantify and are consequently not susceptible to aggregation, as well as because such conditions vary from place to place and from time to time. Of course "decentralized economic actors" need not mean private capitalists. They can also be state-owned or municipal enterprises, cooperatives, and so forth. And Hayek's concept of the market does not rule out macroeconomic planning, or industrial policy either. As a matter of fact Hayek is on record as advocating a state welfare safety net! 

Consequently the Austrian School has saving graces that neoliberalism lacks.

https://fixingtheeconomists.wordpress.com/2013/06/20/nazism-and-neoliberal-mythmaking-part-i-german-reconstruction-as-state-phobia/

https://fixingtheeconomists.wordpress.com/

As for the ordoliberals around Walter Eucken, they were a left-wing heresy of the Austrian School, and I consider at least two of their key ideas to be sound:

  1. to prevent by all means capitalists from influencing government policy.  In other words they opposed lobbying and revolving-door staffing, which nobody can object to, and
  2. the state should ensure competition and fight monopolies. This was a position that the hard core of the the Austrian School namely Ludwig Mises, disparaged. Mises wrote that the state should not act as an arbiter, and that only government monopolies were bad, while private monopolies were good.

On the subject of ordoliberals, I just read an interview in German with Lars Feld, who is currently the chairman of the German economic advisers council and a prominent ordoliberal. I found his remarks on current German economic policy quite sensible and not the least bit neoliberal-extremist. He approves of extra German government spending on raising wage subsidies for part-time workers in connection with the epidemic, and other Keynesianoid measures.

Source: «Wirtschaftsweiser» Lars Feld: «Es lohnt sich politisch nicht, liberal zu sein»
https://theworldnews.net/ch-news/wirtschaftsweiser-lars-feld-es-lohnt-sich-politisch-nicht-liberal-zu-sein

I don’t want to get on your nerves, but here is a very cogent instance of how pertinent Hayek's concept of the market is as an information network that transmits the first-hand knowledge that managers of firms have about their respective environments.

It’s a quote from an article by the Hungarian economist János Kornai. 

"Back in 1956 I was working on my dissertation, having regular discussions with enterprise managers in light industry. They spoke scornfully of the meticulous plan directives they got from the ministry, laying down for the following year, fabric by fabric and width by width, how many square metres of woollen or cotton material they had to weave. How, they exclaimed, did “the powers that be” come by those exact figures, what with all the uncertainties of production and sales? Based on my researches I finished my dissertation, which after some upsets [a tactful reference to the Hungarian Uprising of 1956 and its bloody suppression by the Red Army] appeared in 1957 as Overcentralization in Economic Administration."

It backs up my claim that Che Guevara should have read Hayek.

Source: Központosítás és kapitalista piacgazdaság [Centralization and the Capitalist Market Economy], by Janos Kornai, Népszabadság, Budapest, 28 January 2012
Available on János Kornai
's website: www.kornai-janos.hu 

Friday, September 24, 2021

No shoes

 Vijay Prashad writes[1]:

A billion people without shoes in the 21st century. Hundreds of millions of them children, many unable to get to school for lack of shoes. Yet the global footwear industry produces 24.3 billion pairs of shoes a year, namely three pairs of shoes for every person on the planet.

There is big money involved in the footwear industry: despite the Covid-19 crisis, the global market for shoes was estimated at $384.2 billion (2020), which is expected to grow to $440 billion (2026).

The major consumers of shoes live in the United States, Japan, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and Italy; the major producers of shoes live in China, India, Brazil, Italy, Vietnam, Indonesia, Mexico, Thailand, Turkey and Spain.

Many of those who produce shoes in a country like India can neither afford to buy the shoes that they produce nor even the cheapest flipflops available in the market. There are more than enough shoes in the market, but there is not enough money in the hands of hundreds of millions of people to buy these shoes.


COMMENT

Vijay Prashad pretends to be a great advocate of the world's poor, but when he complains about a billion people walking barefoot, he says that many poor people cannot afford even "the cheapest flipflops available in the market". Flipflops are manufactured by complicated apparatus out of petroleum products. So Vijay Prashad is proposiong that poor people wear footwear manufactured by means of complicated apparatus out of petroleum products, thus driving global warming. Manufacturing simple footwear, like the Mexican ojotas or huaraches, is a low-tech handicraft that can be up and runnning in a week with a minimum of capital investment. While I was living in "socialist" Nicaragua and I saw that many people couldn't afford shoes, I thought of importing huaraches from Mexico, or bringing Mexican craftsmen to establish huarache workshops in Nicaragua. However, when I searched for Mexican manufacturers of huaraches on the web, bu I couldn’t find a single one.  

That shows what a turd Vijay Prashad is. He’s not interested in helping people wear shoes, he just wants to attack the world capitalist system.  I agree that the world capitalist system sucks. However now that the China Petrochemical Group Co. has become one of the top 50 financial corporations[2] China is becoming one of the biggest crooks in the world capitalist system. However Vijay Prashad wouldn’t dream of criticizing Chinese imperialism.

When I was searching for huarache manufacturers on the web, I found lots of Mexican companies that claimed to be selling huaraches. But it was a lie. None of them sold huaraches. The same thing happened when I looked for a picture of a huarache on the web for this article.  There were lots of pictures, but they weren't pictures of huaraches. They were pictures of industrial footwear that only in a handful of cases vaguely resembled a huarache. The only picture I found  of a real huarache -- shown here -- is from the article in the Spanish Wikipedia called "Huarache".  https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huarache_(calzado)

This is a fairly sophisticated model. There are much simpler ones, which are cheaper and more rugged. Traditional huaraches vary by region. 




[1] Solely Because of the Increasing Disorder, by Vijay Prashad, Consortium News, September 13, 2021
https://consortiumnews.com/2021/09/13/solely-because-of-the-increasing-disorder/

[2] The Network of Global Corporate Control, by S. Vitali, J.B. Glattfelder and S. Battiston, Zurich Federal Polytechnic 2011 https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article/file?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0025995&type=printable



Saturday, September 18, 2021

Armed struggle in Italy to oppose labor market flexibility

This essay was based on the Italian Wikipedia. The English-language Wikipedia was not consulted. References to the  English-language Wikipedia are merely for the reader's convenience.

The New Red Brigades (Nuove Brigate Rosse)[1] presented themselves as the successors of the Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse), who among other things had in 1978 abducted and mudered Aldo Moro,a top Christian Democratic politician, during the Years of Lead.[2]  The Red Brigades (RB) were an Italian far-left terrorist organization formed in 1970 to propagate and develop the revolutionary armed struggle to attain  communism. They had a Marxist-Leninist ideology. They were the largest, the most numerous and the longest-lived left-wing terrorist group in Western Europe after the 2nd World War.[3]

Between 1969 and 1984, 18 left-wing Italian  terrorist  groups are listed. About 5 of them killed people, usually one or two each. The only big one was the Red Brigades, which killed 86 people by 1988. Their names were: 22nd October Group, Red Brigades, Partisan Action Groups, Communist Brigades, Venetian Political Collectives, Armed Proletarian Groups, Revolutionary Communist Committees, Armed Communist Formations, Front line, Communist Combat Units, Revolutionary Action, Armed Proletarians for Communism, Communist Assault Units, Communist Combat Formations, Communist Territorial Groups, Revolutionary Communist Movement, 28th March Brigade and Communists Organized for Proletarian Liberation[4]

During the Years of Lead there was also much right-wing terrorism in Italy, which is not mentioned here. Its purpose was to create panic in the population at large through massacres, while left-wing terrorists sought fairly precise political objectives. 

The RB's decision to undertake the armed struggle was made at a conference held in August 1970 in Vezzano sul Crostolo (province of Reggio Calabria, in southern Italy), which was attended by a hundred left-wing extremists from Milan, Trento, Reggio Emilia and Rome. The organization was joined by the militants of the so-called "Reggio group", including Alberto Franceschini, people  from the University of Trento (in northern Italy), including Renato Curcio and Margherita Cagol, and workers and employees from the Pirelli (tire manufacturer) and Sit -Siemens (electrical engineering) factories in Milan

Aldo Moro during captivity

By 1988 the RB had killed 86 people, mostly police, judges, politicians and factory owners. Its biggest action was the kidnapping in 1978 of top Christian Democrat politician Aldo Moro, whom they proposed to exchange for RB prisoners.[5] The government refused and Moro was eventually killed. Both the fascists and the Communists opposed any exchange, while some politicians like the socialist Bettino Craxi proposed giving in. Aldo Moro belonged to the  left wing of the ruling Christian Democrat party. He proposed including the Italian Communist Party in government, a project called the so-called "historical compromise". He was by no means comparable to the other top hostage captured in Europe at the same time, Hanns-Martin Schleyer,[6] who was kidnapped by the German Red Army Faction, held for ransim and untimately murdered, Schleyer was the head of the German employers' association, and was a very tough  negotiator with the German lanbopr unions. He had begun a brilliant career during the 2nd World War as a top organizer in the SS. Although he did not actually commit any murders, he was a hard-line Nazi, who managed to restart his career after the war after a few years of penance.  On the whoile Aldo Moro was a sympathetic figure influenced by Catholic philosopers like Jacques Maritain.[7]

That fact is not reflected in the RB reports on Moro's interrogation.

"The answers Aldo Moro provides make increasingly clear the counter-revolutionary strategy that the imperialist centers are implementing; they clearly outline the contours and the substance  of the "new" regime which, in the course of  the restructuring of the Imperialist State of the Multinationals, is being established in our country and whose pivot is the Christian Democratic Party."

The Christian Democratic Party was much too amorphous an organization to be the pivot for anything. It was composed of numerouas competing wings that proposed varying policies.

Eventually in 1988 -- after 18 years -- the RB gave up the struggle for Communism.

The New Red Brigades[8]  took up the cause of the RB in 1999 and repeated its methods and ideology. But it was a very small group, only managed to kill 3 people, and was dissolved by the police after only five years. The New Red Brigades assassinated two labor law scholars who were involved in drafting Italian laws that reduced the power of labor unions and labor court judges, allowing capitalists greater flexibility in hiring and firing. The Nuove Brigate Rosse reasoned, and I think in hindsight that their reasoning was accurate, that greater labor market flexibility would cause more precarious conditions for workers. However everything depends on the social safety net. In Denmark bosses are free to hire and fire, but workers who are laid off draw generous unemployment benefits. Consequently in Denmark workers have no objection to the arrangement, they just look for a new job, and the outcome seems to be better allocation of labor and greater efficiency. But in Italy greater labor market flexibility was apparently not flanked by any improvements in the social safety net.

From Italian Wikipedia:

1999: murder of Massimo D'Antona

The murder of the lawyer and consultant for the Ministry of Labor and Social Security, Massimo D'Antona was perpetrated by the Nuove Brigate Rosse (New Red Brigades) on the morning of 20 May 1999 on via Salaria in Rome where, just after eight a.m., the law professor was blocked by a commando of the New Red Brigades composed of Mario Galesi and Nadia Desdemona Lioce, backed by three other terrorists in the role of relays. Galesi, armed with an automatic pistol, discharged all nine rounds from the magazine, shooting a coup de grâce into D'Antona's heart. D'Antona was rushed to the Umberto I hospital where he was pronounced dead at 9.30 a.m.

At the trial for his murder, 17 people were tried on the charges of belonging to an armed gang and of murder, and on 8 July 2005, the Assize Court of Rome imposed life sentences on Nadia Desdemona Lioce, Roberto Morandi and Marco Mezzasalma. On 1 March of the same year, a summary trial was held against defendants Laura Proietti and Cinzia Banelli, who had already been sentenced to life and twenty years of imprisonment respectively. ...

2002: murder of Marco Biagi

At 8.15 p.m. of 19 March 2002, the labor lawyer and consultant at the Ministry of Labor and Social Security Marco Biagi was assassinated in Bologna, killed by several gunshots before his home while returning home from the train station on his bicycle. The commando that perpetrated the assassination used the same gun as for the murder of D'Antona. Their crime was greatly facilitated by the fact that Biagi had no bodyguards, since a few months earlier his police escort had been withdrawn.

The Nuove Brigate Rosse issued an announcement claiming the murder, which showed several points in common with their previous announcement claiming the murder of D'Antona. Already the first lines of the proclamation revealed the sort of crime planning typical of the organization. As in the D'Antona case, the victim was a government official involved in flezibilizing the labor market. At trial, on 1 June 2005, the Court of Assizes issued five life sentences against Nadia Desdemona Lioce, Roberto Morandi, Marco Mezzasalma, Diana Blefari Melazzi and Simone Boccaccini.[9]

Remarks:

I notice the assassination operations were heavily overstaffed but poorly equipped, since they only had one gun and they used it for both murders 3 years apart. There was no need for 3 or 4 terrorists to cut them off on the street and fire nine shots at them. That was what led to their eventual arrest and conviction. It would have been more practical for a sniper to shoot them from a distance and then sneak off quietly. Italian terrorists had the same complaint as American politicians: they spent too much of their time fundraising. Perhaps if they had adopted more efficient methods they wouldn’t have needed so much money.

 



[1] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuove_Brigate_Rosse

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Years_of_Lead_(Italy)

[3] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brigate_Rosse

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Brigades

[4] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Organizzazioni_armate_di_sinistra_in_Italia

[5] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caso_Moro

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kidnapping_of_Aldo_Moro

[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hanns_Martin_Schleyer

[7] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aldo_Moro

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aldo_Moro

[8] https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuove_Brigate_Rosse

[9] Nuove Brigate Rosse, Italian Wikipedia  https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nuove_Brigate_Rosse

Wednesday, October 28, 2020

Overall remarks on von Mises

Written in 2009

Having read today chunks of his 2 books against  interventionism and against socialism (Gemeinwirtschaft) my general impression is that von Mises is basically an advocate of capitalism come hell or high water (essence of capitalism according to  von Mises is private property, not free competition), and uses every possible argument in favor of the capitalist  system, in a fairly opportunistic way, sometimes contradicting himself. He has no unified theory of why capitalism is good.

On the other hand von Mises admits that certain government interventions would be good if they could be carried out. But they can't!.[1] However his proof of why they can't is not very convincing. And in any case that leaves a door open for state intervention merely by saying that it's a new kind of intervention that really  is effective. And that can be said about many government interventions nowadays! So von Mises was basing his argument on the assumption that nobody had ever proved government intervention was effective. Now 80 years later things have changed.

Accordingly much of von Mises’s arguments are simply “We don't know enough about how economies really work to design effective economic policies.” 80 years later this argument is a dead duck.

But isn’t von Mises’s argument that government measures  are ineffective predicated on the assumption that competitive free market forces counteract them? If so, then ineffectiveness of government policy assertion is only correct when the capitalist system really is competitive!

It's amusing to compare the academic rigour with which von Mises counters critics of monopoly and of concentration[2] with his  sloppiness when marshalling evidence in favor of his own statements!. “First you have got to prove this, then you have got to prove that, you have got to distinguish between concentration of wealth and concentration of firms!” etc. His own assertions don't seem to be backed up by any such heavy-duty empirical evidence or theoretical reasoning. For example: expansive nature of government intervention that market forces assure quick adjustments, etc. Kinda quick on the trigger, old Ludwig.

 Consequently he cannot be taken seriously as a theorist. He is merely an ideologist, albeit a fairly competent one.  

On the other hand I was amazed to find that von Mises wrote his thesis on a subject of economic history! And diachronic at that! (history of serfdom’s final stages in Galitzia). Must read! This seems to contradict my thesis of the ahistoricity of the Austrian School. [I later found out that Mises started out as a disciple of the German Historical School.]

Conclusion: Von Mises’s critique of socialism is multiple. Some of his claims I found convincing from my historical standpoint (2009) (Kornai seems to have  proved von Mises's thesis of impossibility  of rational price determination without a market). On the other hand many of his objections to socialism & Co. are merely challenges, they claim nothing, merely deny cogency of other side’s arguments:

1)     Demands that the other side prove their case with scientific rigor,

2)     Claims that empirical evidence is lacking, inconclusive, etc.

Von Mises’ assertion that every government intervention is fatuous seems to be based only on price controls and suchlike. Nowadays government intervention takes other forms, like channeling finance to certain sectors of the economy, as in Japan. Most likely thanks in large part to von Mises’ critique, price controls have a bad reputation today (except for minimum wage levels). Accordingly nowadays critique of government intervention must be much more diverse, complex, etc. Von Mises simply does not cover the subject any more. He's old hat. Try Kornai instead. Planners have learned from von Mises’ critique! We’re at a new stage of the game.

Historical setting of von Mises. Germany in the  1920s & 30s was extremely radicalized between R and L. In that atmosphere of class struggle, it was inevitable that von Mises focus his arguments on whatever would be politically effective in the specific situation. That would tend to make him opportunistic, talk out of both sides of his mouth. 

When he says that no specific argument has been made against monopolies a such, I think he's ignoring the classical argument against  monopolies, namely excess profit for monopolist and a reduction in consumers’ welfare. That seems to me to be a pretty good general argument! 

Check what von Mises says about Bismarck (if anything).

Does he anywhere go into the conditions of a free market to exist & why a free market is good? He seems to assume that in a lot of places. But I have not found any actual support for this argument yet.

The issue central to my research of R-wing economists is what grounds they adduce for free enterprise’s superiority. More specifically whether they claim the advantages set forth by Adam Smith & followers, namely that capitalism is good because it (1) means a free market for goods and services; and because (2) free markets are capable of optimizing social welfare (Pareto-optima), but (3) only if they fulfill certain criteria that are logically required for the market to strive toward a Pareto optimum. (These criteria being no externalities, free competition, no increasing returns, perfect information, no public goods, etc.).

The crucial link is between 2 & 3. To what extent does the desirability of a market system depend on the fulfillment or otherwise of the criteria under (3)?

Intuitively & from experience, I find that the more right-wing an economist is, the fewer demands he places in order to class capitalism as beneficial, and vice versa.  This would seem to imply that it is a leftish position to allege any market imperfection. Although there's no obvious reason for it, R-wing economists seldom go into issues of whether market conditions fulfill or not the technical requirements to be considered Pareto-optimizing. They always assume that everything’s just dandy in that department.

Types of market imperfection:

  1. Monopoly (Cambridge School, 1930s) countered by contestable markets theory
  2. Asymmetrical information (Akerlof, Stiglitz & Co., 1990s)
  3. Herd behavior
  4. Too many speculators (that is too many traders are not basing their decisions on fundamentals but either (1) on what they think will happen to the stock in a short while; or else on (2) what they think other traders are going to  do).
  5. Public goods
  6. Externalities
  7. Increasing returns to scale
  8. Non-convexities
  9. Is the economic decision one that may legitimately be undertaken by a single consumer? If it’s a collective decision, asking the individual opinions of the participants in the decision  making BEFORE they have even begun to discuss the question is extremely misleading (see Perelman).

Their unwillingness to compromise with social democrats is ideologically undergirded by their alleged belief in the absolutely incompatible nature of free market & planning. I think that Hayek’s wishy-washiness about government social welfare policy shows that the incompatibility doctrine is a crucial political dogma which they reaffirm once and again. In other words they don't really believe in the incompatibility. It's just a cover story to justify a hard line. In practice they’re willing to make small concessions.

The vigor with which von Mises stresses the incompatibility doctrine is almost zombie-like. It's not a scientific conclusion. It's obviously a political dogma. It reflects a certain strategy of the part of a segment of the bourgeoisie (financial bourgeoisie? Who knows?)

What link is there between Hayek & co and financial capital?

According to  Duménil & Levy, Hayek’s ideas represent the ideology of the financial capitalists, not the manufacturing capitalists. Was that also true in their time? What were the political activities of Hayek & co? Is financial capital less likely to desire cooperating with the  state than industrial capital? If so, why? Austrian School’s stress on the entrepreneur does not seem very finance-friendly. The concept of entrepreneur can be seen much more clearly in a manufacturer  than a banker. This is clearly not pro-finance capital.

Strangely enough it seems that it was Arrow who created (1954) the model that animates finance capital, namely homogenizing all assets in a "portfolio”. (check)

Austrian School’s ideas do not seem to have been in any way specifically related to finance capital. Read von Mises’s article about Austro-Hungarian financial system. Perhaps the only true link between Austrian School & finance capital is the intransigence toward government intervention (assuming that laissez-faire is intrinsically finance-oriented, see above).

Perhaps state-manufacturing capital link is the protective tariff proposed by F List, import-substituting industrialization.

Certain observations of von Mises show that he had a highly developed feel for history. Quite the opposite of Hayek. See quote of his I framed in notes on Die Gemeinwirtschaft 2009-05-29. That being so, why did he devote his attention exclusively thereafter to methodological  individualism? (Did he?)

 

Von Mises talks a lot about theoretical work needed to explain phenomena. Nowhere does he mention empirical work. Nonetheless he obviously values empirical work, since he lays so much stress on statistics. I suppose “empirical” didn't  have the cachet it has nowadays.

Die Gemeinwirtschaft, von Mises’s compendium of anti-socialist thought, obviously is a collection of separate brief (journalistic?) writings on various subjects, which he then joined together in a single work. However the fissures and gaps show through. He didn't give it a thorough theoretical elaboration & unification. All the better for me. Thus the various strains of thought will be easier to distinguish.  

I won’t reproach von Mises very harshly with opportunism & contradicting himself, since  Die Gemeinwirtschaft arose in a period of intense class struggle and von Mises necessarily had to address very diverse practical issues. Nonetheless some internal contradictions do show.


Taking the list of market imperfections,

Plot position of each theorist.

Types of market imperfection:

 

Discoverer

von Mises

Hayek

Milton Friedman

Monopoly  countered by contestable markets theory

Cambridge School

 

 

 

Asymmetrical information

Akerlof, Stiglitz

 

 

 

Herd behavior

 

 

 

 

Too many speculators [3]

 

 

 

 

Public goods

Musgrave?

 

 

 

Externalities

Pigou

 

 

 

Increasing returns to scale

 

 

 

 

Non-convexities

 

 

 

 

Is the economic decision one that may legitimately be undertaken by a single consumer? If it’s a collective decision, asking the individual opinions of the participants in the decision  making BEFORE they have even begun too discuss the question is extremely misleading.

Perelman

 

 

 

 

In which chronological order were market imperfections discovered?

How is managerial revolution   (Burnham, Gardiner & Means) related to market imperfections?

Market imperfection scorecard for any economist.



[1] It's like saying. “Hey, it would be great to shoot that zebra! But we don't have a gun!” Only to von Mises the idea of getting a gun to shoot the zebra seems pointless, or hopeless, or both. He does not seem to prove anywhere that government intervention is necessarily ineffective.

[2] Check to see whether the arguments he refutes were really the strong arguments available at the time – or instead they’re mere straw men von Mises invents just to decapitate them.

[3] That is too many traders are not basing their decisions on fundamentals but either (1) on what they think will happen to the stock in a short while; or else on (2) what they think other traders are going to  do. Is this the same as herd behavior?